Message from @Jacob
Discord ID: 422917911812898826
The assumption that culture follows biology is at the root of the official black
view of cross-racial adoption. In 1972, the National Association of Black Social
Workers—the one that holds exclusively black conferences—officially declared
that adoption of blacks by whites was “genocide.” It withdrew the charge of
genocide in 1994 when Congress passed the Multiethnic Placement Act,
forbidding agencies that receive federal assistance from denying adoptions for
racial reasons, but it still opposed adoption by whites, asserting that “black
children in white homes are cut off from the healthy development of themselves
as black people.”118 In 2008, it tried to overturn the 1994 law, insisting that
“color consciousness—not ‘color blindness’—should help to shape policy
development.”119 The unspoken rule within adoption agencies is still to try to
place children with adoptive parents of the same race.
Some white men do not like the sight of mixed couples, but blacks are more
likely to react violently. Rashard Casey was the star quarterback of the Penn
State football team. In 2000, he and another black visited a Hoboken, New
Jersey, nightclub and were angry to find a black woman with a white man. When
the white man, Patrick Fitzsimmons, left the bar, they kicked him nearly to
death. Mr. Fitzsimmons was a tolerance training instructor for the Hoboken
Police Department.129
Brian Milligan, Jr. lived in a mixed neighborhood in Buffalo, New York, and
was often taunted for dating a black woman. In 2009, after he walked her home,
a group of blacks attacked him with a chunk of concrete, sending him to the
hospital with a swollen and bleeding brain, a broken jaw, and a destroyed sense
of smell. “You white motherfucker,” they shouted. “We told you to stay away
from our women.” Blacks in the neighborhood reportedly refused to come
forward with evidence against the attackers.
Miss Turner reports that paranoid rumors probably destroyed the company
that sold the Troop Sport brand of clothing. It was very popular with blacks in
the 1980s even though most whites had never heard of it. Then rumors circulated
that the Ku Klux Klan owned the company, and that Troop stood for “To Rule
Over Oppressed People.” Troop put up anti-Klan ads in stores and hired the
black group Gladys Knight and the Pips to promote the brand but the company
folded.
Blacks in upscale Shaker Heights are convinced they are victims. They are
professionals who moved to the Cleveland suburb because of its good schools,
but found that black children had an average grade point average of 1.9
compared to a white average of 3.45. John Ogbu, a Nigerian immigrant who is
an expert at UC Berkeley on race differences in school performance, moved to
Shaker Heights for nine months and researched the schools. He concluded that
most of the problem was that black students were not interested in studying—
they considered it “acting white”—and that their parents did not push them.
Some readers may feel that this chapter reflects selective reporting, and has
concentrated on atypical expressions of black solidarity and animus towards
whites. The vast majority of interactions between blacks and whites in America
today are polite, and it is impossible to portray a group of more than 30 million
people in a way that is comprehensive.
And yet, can readers think of instances in which blacks publicly urged other
blacks to set aside racial concerns, to consider themselves Americans first, and
to work for the good of all? When have black authority figures expressed regret
for even the most horrific anti-white crimes? When have blacks praised diversity
if it meant giving up black majorities? How many wealthy blacks make
charitable donations to broadly American rather than explicitly black
institutions? When has a black person publicly chided other blacks for excessive
concern with narrowly black issues? Blacks differ from whites both in what they
say and do and what they do not say or do.
Many Hispanics consider Spanish vital to their identity. Raul Yzaguirre is
former president of the Hispanic advocacy group, National Council of La Raza.
“U.S. English,” he has said, referring to the English-only advocacy group, “is to
Hispanics as the Ku Klux Klan is to blacks.”11 An attachment to a minority
language is always a sign of something broader. As one expert on ethnic conflict
explains:
When minorities demand linguistic parity, they are not only asking for language rights, but rather
a broad range of cultural rights that have come to be an extension of language. . . . The language
program is crucial because it is viewed both as an instrument of history . . . and it is the symbol of the
future, through which a program for the future may be formulated and executed.12
Some Hispanics defend Spanish to the death. Charlie Guzman and Mauricio
Escalante lived in the same apartment complex in Immokalee, Florida. They fell
into conversation at the laundry room and Mr. Escalante became angry because
Mr. Guzman preferred to speak English. Mr. Escalante went to a nearby
apartment, got a knife, and stabbed Mr. Guzman to death.
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In 2008, CNN commentator Jack Cafferty complained that China made “junk
with lead paint” and exported “poisoned pet food,” and called Chinese leaders
“basically the same bunch of goons and thugs they’ve been for the last 50
years.” In a rare act of unity, throngs of Chinese and Taiwanese gathered outside
the CNN offices in Hollywood to denounce Mr. Cafferty.
As recent a president as Dwight Eisenhower argued that although it might be
necessary to grant blacks certain political rights, this did not mean social
equality “or that a Negro should court my daughter.”32 It is only with John
Kennedy that we finally find a president whose public pronouncements on race
begin to be acceptable by today’s standards.
Ordinary working people, certainly as represented by the Socialist Party, were
not liberal about race. The socialists reached the height of their power during the
early part of the 20th century and at one time could claim 2,000 elected officials.
The party was split on the Negro question, but the anti-black faction was
stronger. The party organ, Social Democratic Herald, wrote on September 14,
1901, that blacks went “around raping women [and] children.” The socialist
press dismissed any white woman who consorted with blacks as “depraved.”
There was a strong view within the party that it was capitalism that forced the
races to live and work together, and that under socialism the race problem would
be solved through segregation. At the 1910 Socialist Party Congress, the
Committee on Immigration called for the “unconditional exclusion” of Chinese
and Japanese on the grounds that America already had problems enough dealing
with Negroes.
Voters in South Carolina and Alabama expunged the (by then illegal) bans
only in 1998 and 2000, respectively, but substantial minorities in both states
voted to keep them: 38 percent in South Carolina and 41 percent in Alabama. In
a 2002 vote in Oregon to strike out the passage in the constitution that banned
blacks from even visiting the state, nearly 29 percent voted to keep the
prohibition.
Flight attendant is making me switch off data for take off. Night guys. Bye Nashville.
Voters in South Carolina and Alabama expunged the (by then illegal) bans
only in 1998 and 2000, respectively, but substantial minorities in both states
voted to keep them: 38 percent in South Carolina and 41 percent in Alabama. In
a 2002 vote in Oregon to strike out the passage in the constitution that banned
blacks from even visiting the state, nearly 29 percent voted to keep the
prohibition.
By these standards, of course, most of the great men of America’s past are
morally suspect, and many Americans are embarrassed to discover what our
traditional heroes actually said. Some people deliberately conceal this part of our
history. For example, the Jefferson Memorial has the following quotation from
the third president inscribed on the marble interior: “Nothing is more certainly
written in the book of fate than that these people [the Negroes] shall be free.”
Jefferson did not end those words with a period, but with a semicolon, after
which he wrote: “nor is it less certain that the two races equally free, cannot live
under the same government.”
“It would be a lot easier if each of us were related to someone of another color
and if, eventually, we were all one color,” wrote Morton Kondracke in The New
Republic. “In America, this can happen.”134 Jon Carroll of the San Francisco
Examiner agreed: “I think intermarriage may be the only way out [of our racial
problems].”135 Ben Wattenberg, noting the increase in interracial marriages
wrote happily, “Does all this mean that as we move into the next century race
will be much less of an issue? That we will all end up bland and blended? That
(as I believe) we will fulfill our difficult destiny as the first universal nation?”
Nicholas Kristof wrote in the New York Times that “the breakdown of the
barriers of love will be a far more consequential and transformative kind of
integration” than anything attempted so far.137 Douglas Besharov of the
American Enterprise Institute said intermarriage may be “the best hope for the
future of American race relations.”138 In a recent book, Stephen and Abigail
Thernstrom wrote that the “crumbling of the taboo on sexual relations between
the two races [black and white]” is “good news,” because it will make it
impossible to draw racial distinctions.139 Michael Barone, conservative pundit
for U.S. News and World Report, agrees. “My great wish,” he wrote, “is that 50
years from now we will be so mixed there will be no more racial categories.”140
John Miller is a reporter for National Review, long known as the foremost
conservative magazine in America. He wrote that miscegenation is inevitable
and will finally put an end to group conflict. “Perhaps the best way to undermine
the ideology of group rights is to permit this natural process of assimilation to
work its way down the generations as people of mixed background marry and
have children.” “In the future,” he added, “everyone will have a Korean
grandmother.”
- Many laws passed by Congress have grandiose names and are hailed by their sponsors as far more important than they really are. In one case, however, legislators promised little of consequence for a law that reshaped the country. The Hart-Celler Act of 1965, also known as the Immigration and Nationality Act, abolished the national-origins immigration quotas set up in 1924 to preserve the European character of the American population. As we saw in the previous chapter, the promoters of the act insisted it would have little effect on the ethnic mix of the country, which was then nearly 90 percent white. By 2008, however, whites had already fallen to 65 percent of the population, and the Census Bureau was predicting they would become a minority in 2042—just 77 years after enactment. This would be a more dramatic long-term effect than perhaps that of any other legislation passed in the 20th century.
-If immigration continues, Hispanics will nearly double their share of thepopulation by 2050, increasing from 16 percent to 30 percent. Their numbers will rise to 130 million, a figure equal to the entire US population of 1940. Blacks will increase from 14 to 15 percent, and Asians from 5.1 to 9.2 percent.4 Whites will be the only group to decline, dropping to 46 percent by mid-century. The bureau projected an absolute decline in the white population, beginning in 2030, when deaths of whites were expected to exceed births. Every other racial group was projected to increase continually, with their numbers augmented by anestimated 1.2 to 2 million immigrants every year. The Census Bureau projected virtually no white immigration.5 In 2010, whites were already a minority in four states: California, Texas, New Mexico, and Hawaii. In 2009, whites were a minority in about 300 counties—close to one in 10.6 Starr County, Texas, was the most heavily Hispanic county: 97 percent Latino.7
-The Center for Immigration Studies found that every household of illegal immigrants consumed an estimated $2,700 more in federal government services in 2002 than it paid in federal taxes, adding about $10.4 billion to the deficit.The largest federal costs were Medicaid ($2.5 billion), medical treatment for the uninsured ($2.2 billion), food assistance ($1.9 billion), prisons ($1.6 billion), and school aid ($1.4 billion). These figures do not include state and local spending. Non-citizens are ineligible for many forms of welfare. The study therefore concluded that if illegal immigrants were legalized, their increased welfare use would nearly triple the net federal outflow per family from $2,700 a year to $7,700 a year.28
-One of the most ominous signs for the future is low high-school graduation rates for blacks and Hispanics. In 2007, 93.5 percent of white and 93.1 percent of Asian 18- to 24-year-olds not still in school had a diploma. The figures for blacks and Hispanics were 88.8 percent and 72.7 percent, respectively. Hispanics were therefore more than four times more likely than whites and 2.4 times more likely than blacks to be dropouts.32
-Hispanics who stay in school have low test scores, and the performance gap begins before school age. A nationwide study found that already as toddlers, Hispanics trail whites by the equivalent of six months in understanding words, speaking in sentences, and solving puzzles.36 By fourth grade, blacks and Hispanics are two years behind whites and Asians on the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) reading test.37 By 12th grade, the average black or Hispanic is reading and doing math at the level of the average white 8th-grader.38 There are about 16,000 school districts in the United States, but not one has been able to eliminate this gap. Blacks and Hispanics score in equivalent ranges, whether they account for fewer than 5 percent of a state’s student population or more than 20 percent.39
Press F for Germany.
-A non-profit group in Chicago has filed a complaint with the US Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights making the same claim: Blacks and Hispanics are demoralized and drop out because they are more likely than whitesto be held back in public schools for doing poorly on standardized tests. The tests should therefore be eliminated.58
In 2006, Noma LeMoine was in charge of closing the achievement gap in Los Angeles public schools. She believed black children do not do as well as whites because schools do not recognize the black style of speaking known as“ebonics,” which she wanted recognized, along with standard English.59
In Atlanta, dozens of teachers were under criminal investigation in 2010 for altering answers to improve student scores on state standardized tests. A group of prominent black pastors held a press conference to denounce what they calleda “witch hunt,” and to explain that teachers were just trying to help the children.60
-In heavily non-white schools in New York, Chicago, and Washington, DC, experimental programs pay children cash to come to school, turn in homework, and get better grades. In Washington, in 2009, a program jointly funded by the district and Harvard University was paying students as much as $100 every two weeks.62 A 2008 program paid students at the 81 percent-non-white Wilby High School in Waterbury, Connecticut, $100 for each Advanced Placement test they could pass.63
- In heavily non-white areas of Los Angeles, the city is trying to encourage recycling by awarding points that can be redeemed at local stores.65 Doctors at three medical centers in Massachusetts are trying to get low-income women to eat more fruit and vegetables by giving them “prescriptions” that are really coupons for free groceries at local farmers’ markets.65
Payments of this kind do not appear to be effective. During 2008, the Council of Urban Professionals paid students in certain heavily-minority New York Cityschools as much as $1,000 if they passed AP tests. The number of passing gradesdropped slightly from the previous year.67
-In 2007, New York City launched a three-year pilot project that paid parents for such things as going to the dentist ($100) and holding down a full-time job ($150 a month). Children got $25 to $50 a month for regular school attendance and $600 for passing certain standardized tests. In 2010, $40 million later, the city had such poor results it cancelled the program.68
Why so quiet?
-Many theories have been advanced to explain racial gaps in performance, of which these are the most common: black and Hispanic schools do not get enough money, their classes are too big, students are segregated from whites, minorities do not have enough teachers of their own race. Each of these explanations has been thoroughly investigated. Urban schools, where non-Whites are concentrated, often get more money than suburban white schools, so blacks and Hispanics are not short-changed in budget or class size. Teacher race has no detectable effect on learning (Asians, for example, out perform whites regardless of who teaches them), nor do whites in the classroom raise or lower the scores of students of other races.69
Is my discord broken?