Message from @Kevin
Discord ID: 419562338648195082
I honestly wish that trump could get a new party created.
But that would never work.
Not in america's system.
which means that the people who have already been politicians for many years tend to be the ones who will go for higher offices
My State has a lot of liberal newspapers
@WildRooHuntingTutorials that'd be a bad idea tbh
They’re trying to dumb us down
I know.
What would help is to improve what we've got
It would never work.
Unfortunately if the republican part branded itself as American Nationalist it would scare normies and mainstreamers away.
Yeah
And a large percent of the republican voting base are fiscal conservatives.
I,E centrists.
imagine the ramifications for the midterms if the Seth Rich murder was exposed to the mainstream
SHOTS FIRED IN THE WHITE HOUSE
MAJOR HAPPENING
Oh fuck man that's intense
it's hard to think of a better place to give your suicide attention
With one day left in TX early voting, Dems have cast 45k more ballots than Reps (the first time since 2006). In past cycles, the partisan breakdown of TX primary ballots roughly predicted the split in general elections. Could indicate a close race between Beto & cruz
hmm
early voting though, regular voting for the Texas primaries haven't happened yet
it's still an indicator of Democrat enthusiasm
uh huh
McSally just went live before going into a plane
looks like she likes to highlight her air force background
WASHINGTON — A sizable portion of the American population has been convulsing with outrage at President Trump for more than a year. Millions of people who previously took only mild interest in politics have participated in protests, fumed as they stayed riveted to news out of Washington and filled social media accounts once devoted to family updates and funny videos with furious political commentary.
Yet public life on the whole has remained surprisingly calm. A significant factor in keeping the peace has surely been anticipatory catharsis: The widespread expectations of a big Democratic wave in the coming midterm elections are containing and channeling that indignation, helping to maintain order.
What will happen if no such wave materializes and that pressure-relief valve jams shut?
The country was already badly polarized before the plot twist of election night in 2016, of course, but since then liberals and much of what remains of America’s moderate center have been seething in a way that dwarfs the usual disgruntlement of whichever faction is out of power. While nobody can know for sure whether Mr. Trump would have lost but for Russia’s meddling, many of his critics clearly choose to believe he is in the White House because Vladimir Putin tricked the United States into making him its leader.
For Mr. Trump’s opposition, this premise — to say nothing of the question of whether his campaign conspired with Russia or merely benefited from its manipulations — has thickened the faint stink of illegitimacy that would hover over any president who lost the popular vote, supercharging policy disagreements into nearly existential threats to democracy. The regular cycles of consternation spun up by Mr. Trump’s unconventional approach to the job of being president help keep that wound raw.
Despite simmering unrest, there have been only a few extraordinary moments that broke the mold of public stability. Those include peaceful demonstrations, like the post-inaugural women’s march and the airport protests against Mr. Trump’s initial ban on travelers from seven Muslim countries. Far more disturbing, they also include the near-fatal shooting of a Republican congressman and several other people at a baseball practice by a man who was furious at Mr. Trump and Republicans, and the spectacle of throngs of white supremacists emboldened by the era to march in Charlottesville, Va. — culminating in an apparent neo-Nazi sympathizer plowing his car into anti-racist counterprotesters, injuring dozens of people and killing a woman. Fortunately, those two moments of extreme political violence have been exceptions.
For a counterexample of how a time of intense political bitterness can start to tear this country apart, look back exactly half a century to 1968. In that chaotic year, America slashed and clawed at itself amid the assassination of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and the riots that followed; the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy as he ran for president; swelling antiwar demonstrations on college campuses amid growing recognition that the government had been lying about the course of the Vietnam War; and the police beatings of protesters in Chicago outside the Democratic National Convention.
Factors like the draft and the race relations of the period made that tumultuous year a particular historical moment. But one difference between then and now is salient: Arguably, there was little reason to believe that the November 1968 election was likely to provide immediate relief.
We are lucky that so far 2018 does not look like a new 1968. But the relative calm may be like an unexploded bomb, its volatility not so much defused as contained by the thought that Trump Republicans will be punished in the Nov. 6 midterm elections. These expectations are widespread. After the big Democratic special election victories in places handily carried by Mr. Trump in 2016, from Virginia and Alabama to Wisconsin, Republican lawmakers in purple districts are retiring to avoid ending their careers in humiliating defeats.
Democrats, meanwhile, relish visions of a new congressional majority wielding its subpoena power to flay the Trump administration with oversight investigations. They can see it now: Making public Mr. Trump’s hidden tax returns and otherwise laying bare any financial dealings between foreign governments and his businesses. Inviting the women who have accused him of sexual misconduct to testify at a televised hearing. Unearthing what his appointees have been doing in places like the Environmental Protection Agency, where collection of fines from polluters has plummeted.
Almost taking a House flip for granted, Democrats whisper that a tsunami-level wave would also flip the Senate and stop Mr. Trump’s assembly line for turning conservative lawyers into life-tenured federal judges. Some even fantasize about impeachment.
Such vivid anticipation steers those sputtering at Mr. Trump's presidency to take deep breaths and bide their time until Nov. 6, which draws closer every day: The 2018 campaign cycle formally starts this week with primary voting in Texas.
But a significant Democratic wave may not materialize. Good economic news, for example, tends to blunt anti-incumbent sentiments. The country is still mostly using House districts that were redrawn after the 2010 census, just as Republicans’ big 2010 midterm wave victory gave them an unusual degree of control over state legislatures. Beyond deliberate partisan gerrymandering, the impact of a Democratic turnout surge would be partly diluted by their voters’ disproportionate concentration in cities, piling up extra votes in districts Republicans would have lost anyway.
But inevitably, many eyes would turn to Russia. It appears to still be covertly spreading disinformation and amplifying tensions on American social media with the intention of having “an impact on the next election cycle,” Mike Pompeo, the Central Intelligence Agency director, told Congress last month.